High Vigilance: An Inviolable Norm of Communist and Soviet Behaviour
Among the many critical priorities to which the Communist Party of the Soviet Union devotes its unwavering attention is one that ensures the monolithic unity of our state, its internal strength, and its resilience against the mounting attacks of forces hostile to socialism: the imperative to enhance the political vigilance of the Soviet people.
This emphasis is hardly surprising. The defining feature of the modern epoch is the objective process of transitioning from capitalism to socialism and communism—a process initiated 60 years ago by the Great October Revolution. The deepening class struggle between the forces of progress and reaction, socialism and capitalism, now permeates all aspects of social life.
The economic sphere, particularly the ability to harness the achievements of the scientific and technological revolution, has become the primary battleground between these two systems. Our undeniable successes in this arena are widely recognized. Chief among the achievements of our people is the Soviet way of life, which has not only earned global recognition but also growing admiration from workers across countries and continents.
A defining feature of this way of life is social optimism, born from the firm confidence of individuals and society as a whole in a brighter future. By ensuring a continuous improvement in the people’s welfare, socialism guarantees workers extensive social rights.
Socialist society is further characterized by the high social activity of its members and their profound sense of responsibility toward the collective and the state.
The mindset of the Soviet individual opens new horizons for humanity.
The inspiring ideas of the October Revolution, the teachings of Lenin, and the achievements of our Party have become and continue to serve as powerful drivers shaping the historical process toward progress and social justice.
What can be expected from a capitalist society where the basic rights of workers are disregarded, and the development of productive forces serves only to generate immense profits for a privileged few, granting them an almost utopian existence?
This inherent inequality fuels the ongoing general crisis of capitalism, intensifying its ideological and political contradictions, and further degrading the bourgeois way of life. As a result, the apologists of imperialism are turning to increasingly sophisticated methods of struggle.
A wide range of ideological tools is employed, ranging from seemingly liberal, pseudo-democratic approaches to overtly anti-communist rhetoric. All these efforts aim to distort the essence of the socialist system and discredit the way of life it fosters. They seek to undermine socialism in the eyes of their populations, sow doubt among the Soviet people about the correctness of their chosen path, and introduce stereotypes of bourgeois thought, morality, and consumerist tendencies.
The united forces of imperialism, led by the aggressive factions of the United States, are at the forefront of this ideological assault. Under their leadership, numerous subversive centers and anti-Soviet organizations have been established, including espionage and sabotage schools. Vast material resources are devoted to these efforts. The scale of investment in anti-communist propaganda alone is exemplified by staggering figures.
The ideological struggle is increasingly marked by sabotage, where underhanded methods such as provocation, blackmail, bribery, and slander are employed. The primary goal of this ideological sabotage is to discredit the economic and political system of socialism in the eyes of workers in capitalist countries and progressive forces worldwide, using tools like disinformation and slander. These actions aim to sow distrust in socialist countries and the Soviet Union.
Our state’s adversaries are relentlessly working to weaken the influence of Marxist-Leninist ideology, undermine faith in the principles of communism, and foster indifference among the Soviet people toward the Party and government. They seek to revive remnants of the past, reawaken private-property instincts, and push society toward so-called “moral erosion.”
Bourgeois propaganda frequently harps on the alleged instability of our political system, attempting to suggest the existence of opposition forces within our society.
However, knowing that such forces lack any genuine social foundation, they often portray idle individuals targeted by administrative measures, currency speculators, embezzlers of socialist property, citizens with politically immature views, dissidents, and even the mentally ill as these supposed forces.
The enemy’s cunning tactics can be seen in the words of one so-called specialist in “psychological warfare,” who stated:
“Using all means of modern propaganda and skillful psychological warfare techniques, we must implant our morals and ideology into the public consciousness of communist countries, exploiting national differences, religious prejudices, and human weaknesses. Indifference to the aims of the communist state leadership must be deliberately cultivated. Economic, moral, and other shortcomings must be ruthlessly exposed to provoke passive resistance and sabotage among the population.”
These recommendations barely scratch the surface of this “Sovietologist’s” Jesuitical intentions. He continues: “If the state acts against such detractors, these measures should be framed as unjust to provoke sympathy on one hand and dissatisfaction with the communist system on the other.”
In practice, our ideological opponents rigorously adhere to this playbook, inciting detractors to engage in anti-Soviet actions and staunchly defending them when justice is served.
This script has underpinned numerous anti-Soviet campaigns, from Sinyavskyi and Daniel to Bukovsky and Pliushch, among others.
In response, both communists and non-party members must maintain a sharp awareness of their role in the life and struggle of today’s world. They must adopt clear class positions, understand their responsibilities to themselves and the Motherland, and demonstrate high levels of political vigilance and accountability.
Given the unique and highly specialized nature of our daily work—centered on bringing the truth to the world and providing an objective portrayal of Soviet reality—I would like to briefly address the tasks confronting our staff in terms of internal discipline, self-improvement, and broadcasting responsibilities.
Regarding our routine daily work, it may initially appear that everything is running smoothly, without any notable issues. However, such a superficial assessment would be misleading, as there is still a great deal of work to be done.
First and foremost, this pertains to matters concerning the preservation of state secrets. Employees of the Foreign Broadcasting Directorate must consistently understand that even unclassified information, if prohibited from publication by the Main Directorate for the Protection of State Secrets, is equally forbidden from being broadcast on the radio. It is essential not to allow emotions or personal reasoning—such as assuming that a particular detail is harmless or that censorship is overly restrictive—to cloud judgment. Negligence in this regard is subject to criminal liability under the prevailing legislation.
Classified materials also encompass information related to radio propaganda and counter-propaganda in broadcasts directed at foreign countries. This includes data on the audibility of our broadcasts, their analysis, and details about the existence and organization of radio intercepts within the State Committee for Radio and Television of the Ukrainian SSR. Naturally, any information disclosing the objectives and organizational structure of foreign-directed radio broadcasting is also considered classified.
Experience indicates that, in this regard, if not within our editorial office, then certainly elsewhere within the Committee’s system, violations have occurred. According to the Chairman’s order dated March 15 of this year, a superficial approach to reviewing materials for broadcast has been allowed in several instances. As a result of these lapses in adhering to established procedures for material preparation, information prohibited from public dissemination was aired. Specific cases were identified in the following departments:
– The Main Editorial Office of Music Broadcasting,
– The Main Editorial Office of Film Programmes,
– The Odessa Oblast Radio Committee.
The same order also notes that the Main Editorial Office of Foreign Broadcasting Programmes and the International Programme Exchange Department continue to violate the provisions outlined in the instructions regarding official correspondence with foreigners and foreign radio listeners.
As per the aforementioned order, the Chief Director and Editors-in-Chief are instructed to address the identified shortcomings, enhance efforts to improve staff vigilance, and ensure greater accountability in adhering to established regulations and instructions on this matter.
Additionally, the order mandates that the chief editors of all editorial offices reinforce oversight of the procedures governing the preparation and broadcasting of materials. They are also tasked with implementing measures to prevent the broadcast of any content containing information prohibited from public dissemination.
In accordance with this order, an instruction on ensuring the confidentiality regime during visits by foreign representatives to the Radio Committee has been developed and implemented. The following procedures are outlined:
– Foreign visitors are received based on instructions from the USSR State TV and Radio Broadcasting and relevant republican authorities.
– Consulate staff are admitted in agreement with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR.
– Foreign students studying in Kyiv and consulate employees may only participate in programs with prior approval from the Committee’s management.
– The department of international exchange programs is responsible for organizing the reception of foreign visitors.
– The Committee’s management determines the individuals to be involved in interactions with foreigners, briefs them, and specifies the scope of the discussions.
– Business meetings are conducted in a specially equipped room within the Committee, and all such meetings are documented in reports or interview records, with the most important reports submitted to the Committee’s management within twenty-four hours.
– It is strictly prohibited to leave foreigners unattended within the Committee’s premises.
– Committee staff may attend receptions, press conferences, or other events organized by consulates or foreign representatives only with prior approval from the International Programme Exchange Department and the Committee’s management (Chairman or Deputy Chairman).
– Only the telephones of the International Programme Exchange Department may be used for business telephone conversations with foreigners. The numbers of these phones are the only ones to be shared with foreign visitors.
– Employees involved in the reception of foreigners must maintain a dignified and professional demeanor, demonstrating high political vigilance. They should avoid discussing matters outside their area of responsibility. Casual interactions with foreigners in public spaces (such as streets, exhibitions, or theaters) should also avoid business discussions.
As you can see, the rules governing the admission of foreigners and interactions with them are straightforward, and their implementation requires nothing more than discipline and a responsible attitude toward the work at hand.
In this regard, we must briefly address the standards of behavior that employees of the Directorate should adhere to. These employees are responsible for making contact with foreign citizens to prepare reports and conducting interviews. This work can only be done under the direction of the editor-in-chief and according to a pre-established plan. This plan should serve as a framework upon which the structure of the future report will be built.
We feel it is necessary to discuss this because, at times, materials are prepared spontaneously, without careful planning. When reading or listening to these materials, it becomes apparent that the correspondent does not have a clear understanding of what questions to ask the interviewee, how to prompt the right responses, how to steer the conversation in the desired direction, or how to emphasize the points that are favorable to us and lead to necessary generalizations.
On the other hand, the correspondent himself may not present himself in the best light, sometimes even coming across as less competent than his interlocutor. As a result, the material often lacks clarity and persuasiveness.
It goes without saying that our personnel should engage in no relations with foreign citizens beyond official ones. This applies equally to individuals and to official representatives of consulates or other institutions and organizations. I stress this because, with the opening of the US Consulate General in Kyiv, the possibility of attempts by its staff to establish such informal contacts cannot be ruled out.
Heads of editorial offices, along with party and Komsomol organizations, must ensure that all communists conduct daily ideological and political work within our collective. They should foster an atmosphere of true comradeship, organization, discipline, and vigilance.
To achieve this, more frequent lectures, reports, and discussions on Soviet patriotism and proletarian internationalism are necessary. We must instill a class-conscious approach to the phenomena of reality, a resolute opposition to bourgeois ideology, and an unwavering stance against the enemies of the socialist state. Communists should maintain constant communication with people, understand their moods and demands, and persuasively explain our Party’s policies. They must address pressing questions, patiently engage with those who are misguided, and give a firm response to those who deliberately slander the Soviet system, socialist democracy, or our homeland.
We must also take a strong stand against the spread of provocative rumors, bourgeois views, the psychology of private property, greed, national remnants, and violations of communist morality. We must foster an environment of intolerance toward and condemnation of such phenomena.
In accordance with the instructions from the Foreign Communication Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, regular meetings should be organized with workers from the Foreign Ministry of the Ukrainian SSR and other Soviet comrades who have visited the countries to which our broadcasts are directed. Measures should be taken to ensure that the Directorate staff develops a deep understanding of the political and ideological situations in these countries. Furthermore, cooperation in this field should be strengthened with the Friendship Societies and “Ukraine” Society.
When discussing measures to increase the political vigilance of our staff, we must also address the important tasks we face in terms of foreign policy propaganda. This is the core of our activities, as the level of objective information that the foreign public receives about our country and Ukraine, as well as about the internal and external policies of the Communist Party and the Soviet state, depends to a large extent on the orientation, clarity, and persuasiveness of our broadcasts.
We must place particular emphasis on thoroughly explaining to our radio listeners the world-historical significance of the October Revolution, the leading, revolutionary, and transformative actions of the Communist Party at every stage of our state’s history, and the decisive role of the masses in both the revolution and the building of a new society. We must highlight, through concrete examples, the remarkable achievements of the Soviet people and the fundamental advantages of socialism over capitalism. It is essential to tell the stories of Party and revolution veterans, active participants in the Civil War and the Great Patriotic War, and share the history of the Communist Party in Ukraine.
As Volodymyr Shcherbitsky, member of the Political Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, stated at the April Plenary session: “Every time we celebrate significant events in the history of our Party and state, imperialist circles organize a hostile, demagogic outcry. But their provocations have always failed, and it will be the same this time.”
However, we must also be mindful of the nuances and emphases in bourgeois propaganda. We need to understand well the techniques used by anti-Soviet forces, provide a timely and decisive response to anti-communism, and conduct a reasoned critique of bourgeois ideology.
The issues – developed by the XXV Congress of the CPSU – of a developed socialist society, the Soviet people as a new historical community, the development of inter-ethnic relations in the USSR, the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism, and the growing role of the Party in communist construction should be more prominently featured in broadcasts to foreign countries.
The essence of the program for further struggle for peace and international cooperation, for the freedom and independence of peoples, the Leninist principles, the class nature of Soviet foreign policy, and the successes of the international communist and workers’ movements should be more widely and thoroughly presented.
Moreover, this should be done in specific ways, considering the peculiarities of our audience. Figures and specialized terminology should not be overused; instead, more convincing and illustrative comparisons should be made that emphasize the advantages of the socialist system. Technological processes should not overshadow the social aspects of various issues, and modern adaptations of bourgeois propaganda should be carefully considered.
To achieve this, it is essential for those authorized to do so to study the materials from radio intercepts, the Institute of History, and the “Ukraine” Society in greater depth. These materials should be carefully analyzed to identify the key elements around which our future counter-propaganda efforts should focus.
If we wish to earn the trust of our radio listeners and thus improve the effectiveness of our programs, we must avoid false pathos that stands out, refrain from unnecessary embellishments, and not shy away from acknowledging existing difficulties, as pointed out by the Division of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. Of course, we must approach this wisely, avoiding mistakes and ensuring that we do not fall prey to exaggerations that could make us targets of satire, especially from those of a higher rank.
Comrades!
The Party has entrusted us with one of the most critical sections of the ideological front. The success of foreign policy propaganda and the spread of communist ideals depend heavily on our initiative and energy. It demands that each of us dedicate our full energy, initiative, and creativity to our work, and show intolerance for shortcomings.
Through its content, our propaganda must highlight the great achievements of the Soviet people, the Soviet Union’s role as the vanguard of social progress, and the tireless struggle of our Party and state against the aggressive plans and actions of imperialism, in the name of peace and socialism.
Report at the open Party meeting of the Directorate, 30.08.77
This report, delivered by Leonid Avksentiev, editor-in-chief of the Main Directorate of Radio Broadcasting to Foreign Countries (Directorate of Foreign Broadcasting) under the Ukrainian SSR State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting, was presented at the Directorate’s general party meeting in August 1977. The document is held at the Central State Archive of Public Associations and Ukrainian Studies (ЦДАГОУ) in Kyiv.
The Directorate of Foreign Broadcasting of the Ukrainian SSR State TV and Radio Broadcasting managed Radio Kyiv, the Ukrainian Soviet broadcasting station that operated on shortwave radio, primarily aimed at Europe and North America, from 1950 to 1991. As part of the broader network of Soviet international broadcasting, Radio Kyiv focused on the Ukrainian agenda, promoting the economic and cultural life of the Ukrainian SSR and acting as the voice of Soviet Ukraine. The Directorate’s documents revealed that the target audience for the broadcasts was the Ukrainian diaspora in Europe and North America, with the broadcast’s primary goal being (counter)propaganda. The broadcasts targeted topics such as the exposure of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” in the past and in the present, the fight against “Uniate agents of the Vatican,” “slander from Sovietologists and bourgeois nationalist elements,” and “Zionism,” while also presenting a positive image of the Ukrainian SSR as a socialist state where a society of equality was being built, founded on the principles of internationalism and religious tolerance. This portrayal aimed to counter the narratives of liberal-democratic, nationalist, and anti-Soviet left-wing groups within the Ukrainian diaspora hostile to the Soviet project. By 1977, Radio Kyiv was broadcasting in Ukrainian, English, German, and Romanian, with a daily broadcast time of 6.5 hours.
Avksentiev’s report exemplifies the official speeches typical of the Soviet party and state nomenklatura, characterized by heavy ideological content, bureaucracy, and incentive rhetoric. The report opens with a presentation of the Soviet perspective on the political and informational struggle between capitalist and socialist states. What makes this text particularly valuable, however, is the inclusion of specific instructions regarding the secrecy regime at the Directorate of Foreign Broadcasting and its interactions with foreigners. Employees were reminded of their criminal liability for disclosing state secrets over the radio, the risks associated with the opening of the US Consulate General in Kyiv in 1976, and the necessity of conducting interactions with foreigners in a disciplined, responsible, and highly cautious manner. Clear protocols for receiving foreign visitors at the State TV and Radio Broadcasting building in Kyiv were outlined, along with the directive to “guide” foreign interlocutors in the “right direction” when preparing Radio Kyiv programs, highlighting “advantageous moments.” A central focus of the report was the reminder to maintain political vigilance within the Directorate, which involved strengthening party and ideological work, while actively combating any “hostile” manifestations.