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The Brunswick Manifesto, 1792, Reesources.Rerhinking Eastern Europe, Center for Urban History, 10.01.2025
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The Brunswick Manifesto, 1792

Publication date 10.01.2025

The Manifesto, issued on July 25, 1792, bears the name of the Duke of Brunswick, a prince of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and a commander of the Coalition’s army. This proclamation aimed to frighten the French with threats of total destruction and military courts in case they resisted the invading troops or tried to harm the French king. However, the Duke was not an author of the document; he only signed it with significant hesitation. Later, Brunswick openly expressed his regrets about doing so. The document was drafted by émigrés Geoffroy de Limon and Pellenc, assisted by a royalist journalist and propagandist, Jacques Mallet du Pan, dispatched by the French king. Louis XVI and the royal family were fully aware of the process of drafting the Manifesto. Although the manifesto was issued on July 25, it reached Paris three days later and was read out in the Assembly on August 1. 

The author claims to express the will of two monarchs, the Holy Roman Emperor and the King of Prussia. The main accusations directed towards the French revolutionaries included their illegitimate usurpation of power in the country and numerous violations of the freedom of the French king and his family. In addition, the manifesto mentions the deprivation of the German princes and Elsase and Lorraine of their rights and possessions by the French government. Brunswick claims that the main goal of the Allies was to reestablish the legitimate order in France by restoring Louis XVI to his full power. He states that those French inhabitants who will submit to the Allied forces and the French king will be fully protected. However, if the French people, both civilians and soldiers, resist the Allied troops, they will be treated as rebels and thus face harsh punishment. Moreover, Brunswick threatens to inflict an “ever-memorable vengeance” on Paris if the royal family is attacked in any way.

The Brunswick Manifesto has often been regarded as a breaking point of this period of the Revolution and of the war, being the final push for the people to storm the Tuileries and overthrow the king on August 10. However, while some historians consider the Manifesto’s role to be critical, others point out that its importance was, in fact, much less significant. As Elizabeth Cross argues, the response to the manifesto in French society was quite varied and nuanced. First of all, it is not reasonable to ascribe the decisive role in overthrowing the monarchy to the Manifesto alone. A number of events had already taken place to inspire the anti-monarchical sentiments. 

In 1792, the French defeats on the battlefield against the Coalition forces caused great fear of foreign invasion and suspicions that the king, his family, and the cabinet were conspiring against the revolution. These suspicions were fueled by the fact that the royal family had family connections with the coalition and the French émigré. Girondins particularly advocated that the court was betraying the nation and that there was a need to eliminate it to solve France’s problems. In Paris, the situation was further destabilized by the arrival of the fédérés, military volunteers from the provinces who went to Paris to celebrate the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille and, after that, had to depart to the frontline. The fédérés mostly supported the radical views about the treacherous nature of the French court. Eventually, they declared they would stay there to fight the internal enemy.

As Cross points out, the Manifesto did not provoke a major public response. It is apparent from Mallet du Pan’s comments that this document caused little sensation. When it reached Paris, most newspapers did not publish extensive writings about it.

Still, some discussions about the document are quite interesting. Some doubted its authenticity and dismissed it as unlawful because it so sharply contradicted the accepted laws of war. It is especially notable that the revolutionaries, especially the left wing, ridiculed the Manifesto for its absurd demands. Still, it is worth mentioning that among the left wing of the revolutionaries, there were reactions that acknowledged a certain threat. It was not so much about the fear of the foreign invasion, but they turned their attention to the enemies inside France – the royal court and counter-revolutionaries.

As part of this course, the Brunswick Manifesto fits into the topic of fear in a time of uncertainty. Indeed, in this case, it is particularly interesting considering the document’s intention and the actual reaction to it. Moreover, it provides a glimpse into how a provocation from the outside can influence an already charged situation inside the country. The document can be included in the discussion of conventions of war and the appearance of the idea of total war. In addition, this also tackles the topic of the creation and perception of an internal and external enemy. 

The Brunswick Manifesto, 1792

Their Majesties, the Emperor and the King of Prussia, having entrusted me with the command of the combined armies which they have assembled on the frontiers of France, I have resolved to announce to the inhabitants of that kingdom the motives that have determined the actions of the two sovereigns and the intentions that guide them.

After having arbitrarily suppressed the rights and possessions of the German princes in Alsace and Lorraine, disturbed and overthrown good order and legitimate government, committed against the sacred person of the King and his august family outrages and violence which are still continued and repeated daily, those who have usurped the reins of administration have finally filled the cup to overflowing by causing an unjust war to be declared against His Majesty the Emperor, and by attacking his provinces situated in the Low Countries. Some of the possessions of the Germanic Empire have been involved in this oppression, and several others have escaped the same danger only by yielding to the imperious threats of the dominant party and its emissaries. His Prussian Majesty, united with His Imperial Majesty by the bonds of a close and defensive alliance, 59 and himself a preponderant member of the Germanic body, could not, therefore, absolve himself from marching to the aid of his ally and co-state; and it is in this dual relationship that he assumes the defence of this monarch and of Germany.

To these noble interests is added still another aim, equally important and very dear to the hearts of the two sovereigns: to terminate anarchy in the interior of France, to check attacks on the Throne and the Church, to re-establish legal power, to give the King the security and liberty of which he is deprived, and to enable him to exercise the legitimate authority which is his due.

Convinced that the sound part of the French nation abhors the excesses of a faction which subjugates it, and that the majority of the inhabitants impatiently awaits the moment of relief in order to declare openly against the odious enterprises of its oppressors, His Majesty the Emperor and His Majesty the King of Prussia summon and invite them to return without delay to the ways of reason, justice, order, and peace. It is in accordance with these views that I, the undersigned, general commander in chief of the two armies, declare:

1st, That, drawn into the present war by irresistible circumstances, the two allied courts propose no other aim than the welfare of France, and do not intend to enrich themselves by conquests;

2nd, That they do not intend to interfere in the internal government of France, but wish only to deliver the King, the Queen, and the Royal Family from their captivity, and to procure for His Most Christian Majesty the necessary security to enable him, without danger or hindrance, to hold whatever convocations he deems suitable, and to labor to assure the welfare of his subjects, according to his promises and in so far as it is within his power; 

3rd, That the combined armies will protect the cities, towns, and villages, and the persons and property of all who submit to the King, and that they will co-operate in the immediate re-establishment of order and police throughout France;

4th, That the National Guards are called upon to supervise provisionally the peace of the cities and rural districts, the security of the persons and property of all Frenchmen, until the arrival of the troops of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, or until otherwise ordered, under penalty of being personally responsible therefor; that, on the contrary, those National Guards who have fought against the troops of the two allied courts, and who are captured bearing arms, will be treated as enemies and punished as rebels against their King and as disturbers of the public peace;

5th, That the generals, officers, noncommissioned officers, and soldiers of the French troops of the line likewise are summoned to return to their former fidelity, and to submit immediately to the King, their legitimate sovereign;

6th, That the members of the departments, districts, and municipalities likewise shall be responsible with their lives and property for all offences, fires, murders, pillaging, and acts of violence which they permit or which they manifestly have not exerted themselves to prevent within their territory; that they likewise shall be required to continue in office provisionally, until His Most Christian Majesty, re- stored to full liberty, has subsequently provided therefor, or until otherwise ordered in his name in the meantime;

7th, That inhabitants of the cities, towns, and villages who dare defend themselves against the troops of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, and fire on them either in the open country or through the windows, doors, and openings of their houses, shall be punished immediately, according to the rigor of the law of war, and their houses demolished or burned. On the other hand, all inhabitants of the said cities, towns, and villages who hasten to submit to their King, by opening their doors to the troops of Their Majesties, shall be placed at once under their immediate protection; their persons, property, and effects shall be under the protection of the laws, and the general security of each and every one of them shall be provided for;

8th, The city of Paris and all its inhabitants, without distinction, shall be required to submit at once and without delay to the King, to place that Prince fully at liberty, and to assure him, as well as all royal personages, the inviolability and respect which the law of nature and of nations requires of subjects towards their sovereigns; their Imperial and Royal Majesties hold all the members of the National Assembly, of the department, 60 district, municipality, and National Guard of Paris, the justices of the peace, and all others concerned personally responsible with their lives for whatever may happen, to be punished by military law, without hope of pardon. Their said Majesties further declare, on their faith and word as Emperor and King, that if the Palace of the Tuileries is entered by force or attacked, if the least violence, the least outrage be done Their Majesties, the King, the Queen, and the Royal Family, if their security, preservation, and liberty be not provided for immediately, they will exact an exemplary and ever-memorable vengeance thereon by delivering the city of Paris to military punishment and total destruction, and the rebels who are guilty of outrages, to the punishments they deserve. On the other hand, Their Imperial and Royal Majesties promise the inhabitants of the city of Paris to use their good offices with His Most Christian Majesty to obtain pardon for their misdeeds and errors, and to take the most vigorous measures to assure their persons and property if they obey the above injunction promptly and exactly.

Finally, Their Majesties, recognizing in France only those laws which emanate from the King, in the full enjoyment of liberty, repudiate in advance the authenticity of all declarations made in the name of His Most Christian Majesty, so long as his sacred person, that of the Queen, and all the Royal Family are not really secure; to which end their Imperial and Royal Majesties invite and solicit His Most Christian Majesty to designate the city in his kingdom, nearest the frontiers, to which he deems it fitting to retire with the Queen and his family, under a proper and trustworthy escort, which will be sent him for such purpose, in order that His Most Christian Majesty may in all security summon about him such ministers and councillors as it pleases him to designate, hold such convocations as appear to him suitable, provide for the re-establishment of good order, and regulate the administration of his kingdom.

Finally, I declare and obligate myself, moreover, in my own private name and in my aforementioned capacity, to have the troops under my command observe proper and correct discipline everywhere, promising to treat with kindness and moderation those well-intentioned subjects who show themselves peaceable and submissive, and to use force only against those who render themselves guilty of resistance or ill will.

For these reasons I require and exhort all inhabitants of the kingdom, in the most forceful and urgent manner, not to oppose the progress and operations of the troops which I command, but rather to grant them everywhere a free entry and all the good will, aid, and assistance which circumstances may require.

Given at headquarters at Coblentz, 25 July, 1792. 

Signed, Charles-William-Ferdinand,

Duke of Brunswick-Lunebourg

Author of the reflection: Oksana Volovodiuk, IUFU Student

Reviewing and editingTetiana Zemliakova

Source: “The Brunswick Manifesto (25 July, 1792)” in John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (Macmillan, 1951), 307–311 and 672-673.

Related syllabi (1)

The course aims to problematize politics as a practice of contestation that engages with the meanings of modern historical events. Combining approaches from political theory, intellectual history, and social theory, it introduces students to various academic and public discussions on wars, revolutions, modalities of peace, and their  political interpretations. To do so, the course reconsiders uncertainty as the key quality of  historical events, which manifests both in the course of their development and in later  reinterpretations. The course intends to introduce students to critical work with historical sources and master the critical analysis of texts, debates, and events.
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